A Southern California District Resists Bad Education Policy - Progressive.org
An opinion.
Thursday, July 27, 2017
Wednesday, July 26, 2017
Thursday, July 20, 2017
Tuesday, July 18, 2017
Stop Texas Style Immigration Crackdown: Make Calif...
antiracismdsa: Stop Texas Style Immigration Crackdown: Make Calif...: Dolores Huerta In the seven decades I’ve been fighting for social justice and human rights, I’ve never seen a year as scary as 2017. ...
Wednesday, July 12, 2017
Monday, July 10, 2017
Friday, July 07, 2017
NEA Joins Call for Moratorium on Charter Schools
Jeff Bryant, Educational Opportunity Network
This week, the nation’s largest labor union, the National Education Association, broke from its cautious regard of charter schools to pass a new policy statement that declares charter schools are a “failed experiment” that has led to a “separate and unequal” sector of schools that are not subject to the same “safeguards and standards” of public schools.
To limit the further expansion of these schools, the NEA wants a moratorium on new charters that aren’t subject to democratic governance and aren’t supportive of the common good in local communities.
The NEA’s action echoes a resolution passed earlier this year by the national NAACP calling for a moratorium on the expansion of charters and for stronger oversight of these schools. These declarations also align with a policy statement issued last year by the Movement for Black Lives, a network Black Lives Matter organizers, calling for a moratorium on charter schools.
Now that labor and civil rights groups have come together in a unified call for a moratorium on these unregulated, privately-operated schools, prominent leaders in the Democratic party can champion this issue knowing they have a grassroots constituency that supports them.
Democrats in states where charters have been the most controversial – such as Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and California – should be especially interested in leading on this issue for a number of reasons.
Democrats know that success for their party relies on bringing labor and civil rights advocates together on key issues.
Wednesday, July 05, 2017
Tell No Lies
Defense of our democracy is essential.
On every one of his
first 40 days in office, Trump made false statements in public. They
ranged from assertions that 3 to 5 million people voted illegally, causing him
to lose the popular vote, to claiming that the United States has a $17 billion
trade deficit with Canada. (We had an $8.1 billion dollar trade surplus with
Canada in 2016.)
The New York Times has
compiled a list of his lies and provided fact checking sources.
This is a great service to
the public. I encourage you to read the
list.
I, along with the Moyers
Report think the Times should receive a Pulitzer Prize for this public service.
Monday, June 26, 2017
Reading Politics in a Time of Crisis: A book review
Reading Politics in a Time of Crisis – A view from the Left.
By Duane Campbell
As we know, the economic crisis of 2008-2012 disrupted the
U.S. economy. The crisis was much worse
in some of the peripheral countries of Europe (Greece, Spain, Portugal,
Ireland, and Italy among others), and even more destructive in under-developed
regions of African and Asia.
Spanish political leader Pablo Iglesias Turrión has written Politics in a Time of Crisis: Podemos and the Future of European Democracy,
published in an English translation by Verso Books. Iglesias provides a
critical summary of the crisis that began in the U.S., and spread to much of
the world causing political upheavals and leaving misery, starvation, and
massive migration in its wake.
We can learn much from reading Iglesias about this crisis in
Spain and other countries and economies,
including how the crisis led several
social democratic political parties in Spain, Greece, Italy, and elsewhere in
Europe to collaborate with right-wing movements to impose austerity on the
people. This collaboration led to the
collapse of many social democratic
political parties, the rise of
authoritarian right-wing parties,
and now the rise of a new left. A
similar process led to the collapse of social democratic parties in Brazil,
Argentina and Mexico. Currently in
Mexico the formerly left-wing Party of Democratic Revolution (PRD) is working
with the right-wing National Action (PAN) party while a new left –the National
Regeneration Movement (“MORENA”) may well win this summer’s presidential
elections.
Pablo Iglesias, a political science professor, is one of
several leaders of Podemos (Spanish for “We Can”), a party of democratic
socialism and populism that was born in 2014 and currently commands almost 21 %
of the vote in Spain. In just 4 short
years, it became the second largest party in Spain while the traditionally left
Socialist Workers party (PSOE) collaborated with a conservative government to
impose austerity and lost much of its membership.
Iglesias’ and Podemos’ analysis of the economic crisis
beginning in 2008 is that New York and London became the financial capitals of
the world. In the U.S. , the financial
sector itself became the most powerful political force- a group he calls the
Party of Wall Street:
“The Party of Wall Street is a Leninist party in its way: it
is a class party with an international vocation. This party represents those
who inhabit the penthouses of the economic system. It is the party that
encouraged the selling of subprime mortgages that left millions of Americans
homeless. Under the Secretary of the Treasury
and former CEO of Goldman Sachs, Henry Paulson, it is the party that brought off a ‘soft’ coup d’etat in Washington and forced the American
government to inject billions of dollars into the banking system. It is the
party that Angela Merkel belongs to; the party that controls the European
Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund; the
party that imposes structural adjustment programs on developing countries and
swingering cuts on the countries of southern Europe[...]The party has been
flourishing well before the 2008 crisis, always keeping to a very precise
political line: to consolidate the power of finance” (Chapter 3)
According to Iglesias, the Party of Wall Street brought
neoliberalism to the U.S. and Europe and
used its power to promote an unstable expansion of credit, while
combating wage increases, trade unions and the existing welfare programs. The
Party of Wall Street used the rhetoric of promoting free trade and privatization,
and its political program was above all else a class project designed to
establish and extend the power of financial elites. The neoliberal projects are directly and
closely connected to globalization of finance and the control of the economies
of core nations.
I myself have been teaching a course here in California on
our economic crisis since 2011, and
Iglesias’ descriptions of the
processes that the rich used to loot the U.S. and eventually the world
economy are well-developed and supported
by substantial research in the U.S. His
arguments about the Party of Wall Street moves those of us on the left beyond
the endless debate about what stance left parties should take toward the
Democrats and Hillary Clinton.
This debate continues while we need to move on to organizing
for power. Meanwhile, a proto-fascist
Donald Trump and his retinue have been elected, and have unleashed a reign of
terror on the undocumented. They have proposed austerity and budget cuts in
child care and health care that will lead to the deaths of many. Their assault on organized labor is in the offing.
The issue is not good Democrats vs. bad Democrats and
fascist Republicans. As Iglesias writes, the problem is the Party of
Wall Street and how it must be defeated.
The party of Wall Street carried out a financial coup In the U.S. in
2008-2010. The financial disease then spread
to Europe. U.S. and European banks and
financial houses converted their financial losses to “citizen debt” to be paid
by government austerity programs:
“ American taxpayers were forced to hand over their money to
Morgan Stanley, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs and other fraudsters of the same ilk.
… the disease spread, and outlying
European countries soon found themselves in similar predicaments. Countries
like Greece, Ireland and Spain, have de-industrialized their economies in favor
of tourism, services and construction and allowed financial institutions to
pump up property bubbles, now bailed out their own banks… Just as in the U.S.,
bank debt was converted to citizen debt, which ordinary people would have to
pay off in the forms of cuts to public services and ferocious austerity
measures. (Chapter 3)
The party of Wall Street convinced European banks that the
existing welfare systems and union policies were too expensive, initially in
Greece, Spain and Italy. The effects of
government imposed austerity have been horrifying: pension cuts, high
unemployment, cuts to health and education systems. “In Spain by the end of 2013, there were more
than six million unemployed, a third of whom received no state assistance, and
youth unemployment reached 60 per cent.” (Chapter 3) Austerity policies not
only failed to produce growth, they have plundered the economies and created
desperate situations for the young and the unemployed.
Perhaps more important than Iglesias’ view of the economic crisis from Spain is the
way he and a new left responded- a left that became Podemos.
Spain, of course, is different than the U.S. It has a fascist past and it is an
economically dominated member of the European Union. It is often called by the media a member of
the European “periphery” or “south” as if it should not be considered a member
of the Global North any longer. Spain
historically had a socialist government of PSOE, which participated in the
government responding to the crisis of imposed European austerity.
Podemos was formed in 2014 based in significant part on the
prior protests of 15-M (the “May 15” movement based around protests in May of
2011) against inequality, corruption, and massive unemployment. In the elections on May 25, 2014, Podemos
received some 7.9 % of the national vote and elected 5 members of the European
Parliament. In elections in December of
2015, Podemos received 21 % of the vote and gained 69 out of 350 seats in the
Spanish parliament. Since 2015 the formerly
leftist PSOE party has been substantially repudiated for participating in the
imposition of neoliberal capitalist policies of bailouts and tax cuts for the
rich, and austerity for the great majority.
Social-democratic parties across Europe are facing similar defeats,
including most recently the Socialist Party of France.
Led by Iglesias and others, Podemos has created a new form
of struggle based in large part on the ideas of people working in the tradition
of Gramsci. In Politics in a Time of
Crisis, Iglesias reviews the histories of Marxism, and of Leninist parties
and social democratic parties in Europe- and where they failed. He asserts
that a first problem was that the conservatives were winning elections in part
because the majority did not participate.
Iglesias argued that since the broad mass of people were not
engaging in politics through the existing parties, the left had to go where the
people were. This was a war of ideology
and of position. In addition to local
movement organizing, Podemos established a nationwide, web-based television
program, “Tuerka,” to advance a left analysis of the crisis.
With over 25 % unemployment, and over 50% among the young,
the people knew there was serious problem.
The critical issue was to explain the crisis in common language so that
potential voters could understand the role of the existing parties- the Party
of Wall Street, in looting the economy, and the alternatives to this party.
Podemos created a new kind of open, participatory party not
weighted down by the corruptions of the past, including corruptions of the
established parties and labor union officialdom .
As in the U.S., the banks and the rich recovered, the poor
and the working class did not. And, in
Spain as a de-industrialized country as a consequence of EU policy, the impacts
on the lives of the working class were more severe, including a rise in hunger
nationwide.
The banks were robbing the people. The debt in Spain was
private bank debt that the government accepted to placate the Eurozone under
threat similar to that of economic war imposed upon Greece.. Conservative governments and social
democratic parties collaborated to destroy the Spanish and European social
welfare state—including its labor rights—as they did in Greece:
“The central strategy of Podemos was to occupy the centrality
of political discussion: “in Gramscian
terms in this war of position was to create a new common sense that would allow
us to occupy a transversal position at the heart of a newly reformulated
political spectrum.” (Appendix II)
Podemos offered the population a left perspective in terms
all could understand, and, they became the left. It was not that Podemos organized a new
left. The conditions and events created
space for a resistance, and Podemos created the formulation. They did not create a left- the left existed.
It previously lacked some explanatory power because economists, news media, and
politicians were funded by
capitalists and locked in old
categories, not addressing the clear and immediate dangers of the economic
crisis. The old left lacked credibility,
since it was often collaborating with conservatism to impose austerity.
Podemos recognized that the economic crisis was a political
crisis. It was created by the Party of
Wall Street, and it could best be resolved by gaining control of the government
through the expansion of democracy not by endless debates about Keynesian or
post Keynesian economics.
The economic crisis, of course, is not limited to Spain, nor
is the engagement of formerly social democratic parties into the Party of Wall
Street. Iglesias offers many useful
insights including comments of the problems of the “infantile” left, and
problems of institutionalizing a movement.
But, first, we have to recognize that the issue is about power and that
the broad working class can seize power.
The chapter History:
the Future Has an Ancient Heart,
provides a detailed recounting of recent Spanish political history and the
struggle for democracy since the Monarchy of the 1900’s. The history is important since it was often
determinant in shaping the PSOE and the competing labor union federations. I am confident Spanish readers found many
insights there.
Political conditions differ in the U.S., in Mexico and other
places. Bernie Sanders faced a dominant
2 party system and a presidential government.
Spain faces a multiparty system and a parliamentary government. Mexico is currently in facing the collapse of
the prior social democratic opposition – the PRD- and the rise of a citizen’s
movement somewhat similar to Podemos in Morena. The critical election will be in July of
2017.
Despite the differences in how our political systems
structurally operate, perhaps we can learn from Iglesias on how a broad-based
popular movement was created by movement leaders and activists, rather than an
electoral party centered around individual candidates.
I heartily recommend
reading Politics in a Time of Crisis.
There is much we can learn by reading Iglesias’ insights about Spain, Europe,
and political organizing. The author
offers valuable insights and examples for those of us seeking to create a left
in the U.S. that can achieve power – as opposed to a left that talks primarily
to itself.
And then, we will
have to write our own story.
Duane
Campbell is a professor emeritus of bilingual multicultural education at
California State University Sacramento, a union activist, and past chair of
Sacramento DSA. He serves on the Immigrant Rights Committee of DSA’s Anti
Racism Working Group and as an editor of the Democratic Left blog.
Monday, June 19, 2017
Tuesday, June 13, 2017
Sac City Unified has a Budget Problem - And its not the Teachers
Sacramento City Unified’s plan for Local Control Funding is on their web site.
LCAP Timeline and Process- here.
See video in post below.
SCUSD outlines its LCAP development process, Community Planning Process, timeline, and lists potential community partners to engage with in LCFF implementation. A new budget has been submitted and should be on the web site this PM.
See video in post below.
SCUSD outlines its LCAP development process, Community Planning Process, timeline, and lists potential community partners to engage with in LCFF implementation. A new budget has been submitted and should be on the web site this PM.
Our Budget proposal reflects our communi ty' s priorities and we request that you consider our Budget along with the District's staff Budget in making a very important decision on providing the highest qualit y of education for all children.
May 4, 2017
To: Jay Hansen, President
Jessie Ryan, 1st Vice President Darrell Woo. 2nd Vice President Christina Pritchett. Member Ellen Cochrane, Member
Mai Vang, Member Michael Minnick, Member Natalie Ross. Member
Jose Banda, Superintendent
Dear Board of Trustees and Superintendent:
The Sacramento City Community Priority Coalition (CPC) is pleased to submit to the Sacramento City Unified School District its 20 l 7-18 Budget as another budget scenario to consider.
The CPC coalition member organizations and groups consist of Black Parallel School Board, Building Healthy Communities. Hmong Innovating Politics, La Familia Counseling Center. Making Cents Work, PRO Youth and Families , Sacramento Area Congregations Together, Democracy and Education Institute, and Public Advocates Inc.
Based on the input of our respective communities. the CPC recommends three major priorities for both the LCAP and the LCFF that we conclude will better serve the students of our communities. Those priorities include:
• Class size adjustments/reductions in select high need schools - beginning with grade 4-6 and gradually progressing to higher grades after three years of LCAP implementation.
• Culturally competent professional development to enhance school climate and ensure the use of effective and restorative discipline policies in all schools for all students.
• After school and/or other early intervention supports/programsdesigned to improve and further classroom performance.
The district needs to attract quality teachers that reflect the diversity of the students and continue class-size reduction, address inequities regarding our low-income and high needs students, increase graduation rates, improve professional development, and continue to improve community outreach and involvement year around. Monies allocated through the Local Control Funding process are required by law to be spent on increased or improved services and actions that are principally directed to meet the needs of specific target populations: low income, English Language Learners, foster children, special education.
In addition , to increased funding for class size reduction beyond grades K-3: specific funds should be allocated to meet the needs of the designated targeted populations. For example, English Language Learners need additional instructional assistance and increased efforts to involve their parents in their education programs. including bilingual counselors , teachers, social workers and other staff. Funds should be allocated to establish designated additional programs for ELL students in those schools with large numbers of English Language Learners. These programs might include the use of additional certificated personnel, and/or classified staff.
We recommend that the budget adopted by Sac City Unified School District clearl y and specifically designate where funds will be spent to meet these target populations. At present, we are unable to track funds from the district budget to serving these target students. We strongly recommend that this change. The district should specifically and clearly indicate the amounts of funds planned for specific services and actions that are increases or improvements principally directed to meet the needs of each target group, and which funds have been planned used for spending on combinations of these groups, and which funds have been used for all students districtwide, in addition to funds allocated by school site, which the district currently identifies . This level of transparency is necessary for parents , students and the community to be involved in a meaningful way in the LCAP development process and other district and school site decision making processes.
Making LCFF Work- in Sacramento
At the June 5, 2015, meeting, and each year since, the Community Priorities Coalition presented the Sacramento City board with alternatives ways to invest in our children.
Funding of California’s k-12 public education system is changing fundamentally. Some schools will get much more money to educate kids as described in the above video. The centerpiece of the change is the Local Control Funding Formula, designed to send additional funds to districts where “the need and the challenge is greatest.” The law requires that parents, students, teachers, and other community members be involved in the process of deciding how new funds are spent.
Ed Source has an excellent guide to these changes.
Sacramento City Unified’s plan for Local Control Funding is on their web site.
LCAP Timeline and Process- here.
SCUSD outlines its LCAP development process, Community Planning Process, timeline, and lists potential community partners to engage with in LCFF implementation. A new budget has been submitted and should be on the web site this PM.
SCUSD outlines its LCAP development process, Community Planning Process, timeline, and lists potential community partners to engage with in LCFF implementation. A new budget has been submitted and should be on the web site this PM.
Here is our submission for the 2017/ 2018 school year.
May 4, 2017
To: Jay Hansen, President
Jessie Ryan, 1st Vice President Darrell Woo. 2nd Vice President Christina Pritchett. Member Ellen Cochrane, Member
Mai Vang, Member Michael Minnick, Member
Natalie Ross. Member
Jose Banda, Superintendent
Dear Board of Trustees and
Superintendent:
The Sacramento City Community Priority Coalition (CPC) is pleased to submit to the Sacramento City
Unified School District its 20 l 7-18 Budget
as another budget scenario
to consider.
The CPC coalition member organizations and
groups consist of Black Parallel School Board, Building
Healthy Communities. Hmong Innovating Politics, La
Familia Counseling
Center. Making Cents Work, PRO Youth and Families , Sacramento Area Congregations Together, Democracy and Education Institute, and Public Advocates Inc.
Based on the
input of our respective communities. the CPC recommends
three major priorities for
both the LCAP and the LCFF that we conclude will better serve the students
of our communities. Those priorities include:
•
Class size adjustments/reductions in select high need schools
- beginning with grade 4-6
and gradually progressing to higher grades after three years of LCAP implementation.
•
Culturally competent professional development to enhance school climate and ensure the use of effective and restorative discipline policies in all schools for all students.
•
After school
and/or other early intervention
supports/programsdesigned to improve and further classroom performance.
The district
needs to attract quality teachers that reflect the diversity of the
students and continue class-size reduction, address inequities regarding
our low-income and high needs students, increase graduation rates, improve professional development, and
continue to improve community outreach and
involvement year around. Monies allocated through the
Local Control Funding process are required by law to be spent on increased or improved services and actions that are principally directed to meet the needs of
specific target populations: low income, English Language Learners, foster children, special
education.
In addition , to increased funding for class size reduction beyond grades K-3: specific funds should be allocated to meet the needs of
the designated targeted populations. For example, English
Language Learners need additional instructional assistance and increased
efforts to involve their parents
in their education
programs. including bilingual counselors , teachers, social workers and other staff. Funds
should be allocated to establish designated additional programs for ELL
students in those schools with large numbers of English Language Learners. These programs might include
the use of additional certificated personnel, and/or
classified staff.
We recommend that the budget adopted
by Sac City Unified School District clearl y and specifically designate where funds
will be spent to meet these target populations. At
present, we are unable to track funds from the district budget to serving
these target students. We strongly recommend that this
change. The district should specifically and clearly indicate the amounts of funds planned for specific services
and actions that are increases or improvements principally directed to meet the
needs of each target group, and which funds have been planned
used for spending on combinations of these
groups, and which funds have been used for
all students districtwide,
in addition to funds
allocated by school site, which the district currently identifies . This level of transparency is necessary
for parents , students and the community to be involved
in a meaningful way in the LCAP
development process and other district and school site decision making processes.
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