Bill Raden, Capital and Main
When Democratic former San
Jose mayor Chuck Reed and Republican ex-San Diego councilmember Carl DeMaio
finally unveiled the
language for a promised attempt at getting a statewide public
pension cutting measure to 2016 voters, the expectation was that Reed II would
be a reined-in and more realistically-framed version of Reed I – last year’s
failed attempt at undermining the public pension system.
Editors note:
These pension critics
in California have targeted public pensions as a place to claim a crisis and to
demand pensions changes- which would make them billions.
In 2014 California pensions had 84 % of the funds they need
to pay their obligations. Most pension critics- such as the Peterson Institute-
say that 80% of potential obligations should be covered in
assets.
This argument incorrectly assumes that there will not be
more workers paying into the ongoing pensions.
That is the policy direction argued for by austerity advocates mostly in
the Republican Party.
The truth is that working people such as teachers and police
officers paid into these pension
funds. At times- the state and local
governments skipped their obligations to match the workers contributions. This
created a problem that is being dealt with.
That try for the 2014
ballot was aborted
after Attorney General Kamala Harris slapped it with a candid, albeit
politically untenable summary that frankly described the proposed
constitutional amendment as targeting longstanding legal rights—rights that
protect the pensions and retirement health care of the 1.64 million
Californians enrolled in the state’s public pension systems.
But even veterans of the
state’s public-sector retirement wars were unprepared for the sheer scale of
what awaited them this time around. Amid the deceptively simple wording
contained in the laudable-sounding “Voter Empowerment Act of 2016,” Reed-DeMaio
concealed a hidden trigger that is now being recognized as a wholesale attempt
to uproot 60 years of statutory law and a critical foundation of labor
relations.
Simple Language Conceals
Back-Door Attack
While its language won’t
shock the public like some notorious headline-grabbing initiatives, it’s
exactly the innocuous front that makes the far-reaching Reed-DeMaio a dangerous
initiative.
“I’ve looked at a lot of
initiatives, and this one’s pretty far out there,” Sacramento labor attorney
Lance Olson told Capital &
Main. “We’re not talking about killing gay
people, but we are talking about some pretty important rights,
including those things that were promised to government employees when they
started their careers in government.”
At first, people barely
noticed. The measure seemed to fulfill pension reformers’ dream of dumping at
least the state’s future workforce into 401(k)-styled plans.
Reed’s conservative
supporters immediately praised the “bipartisanship” of the measure.
They also lauded “the simplicity of approach.” Like earlier attempts at rolling
back pensions, it proposes rewriting California’s Constitution to eliminate
defined benefit pensions for new public-sector hires. It then politically seals
the deal by requiring local voter approval on any new benefit plans. Labor
groups blasted the
measure as yet another doomed attempt to eliminate the retirement
security of the state’s public workforce.
The earliest glimmering
that Reed-DeMaio might be far more deeply radical than it seemed came a mere
day after its official launch. Writing in the June 5 San Diego Union-Tribune,
conservative columnist and Reed ally Steve Greenhut made the extraordinary
claim that “The initiative takes aim at the ‘California Rule,’ but
in a backdoor way.”
The 60-year-old California rule established that the retirement plan in
effect at the time of a public employee’s hire can’t be changed unilaterally—it
is in essence part of a contract made at the moment of hire. That puts the
“deferred compensation” of pension benefits under the ironclad umbrella of the
California Constitution’s Contract Clause as a primary vested right, and also
makes future pension benefits earned at the job a collateral right.
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